მანდაურ ყვავ-ყორნებს ხელსაც ვერავინ ახლებს...
თუ ახლებენ და -- მაშინათვე დაფქვავენ, რომ აშუშუებთან შეთანხმებით აკეთებდნენ მთელს სიბინძურეს, რომ აშუშუები იყო ყოლიფერის სცენარისტი -- საბუთებსაც დადებენ...
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მიშაც დადებს საბუთებს, რომ 888 ომის კონდის დაკვეთით დაიწყო -- საამისო ვიდეოც ექნება და აუდიოც... -- ხერხემლის მომზადებული...
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PREPARATORY VISIT TO FLORIDA
The key published reference to the collusion at issue is to be found in the Georgian junta’s official newspaper Sakartvelos Respublika [‘The Georgian Republic’ dated 7th March 1992, the very day of Shevardnadze’s return to Georgia as ‘leader’ of the junta. According to the newspaper: ‘
From 28th February to 1st March E. Shevardnadze was in Florida, in the United States. Sources close to the former Soviet Foreign Minister have indicated that he visited the state at the behest of America’s business circles’.
The report went on to reveal that ‘during his meeting with the businessmen, Shevardnadze announced the establishment of the Fund for Restoration and Democracy in Georgia [alias the Shevardnadze Fund for Democracy and National Revival: see SOVIET ANALYST, Volume 21, Numbers 9/10, box on page 23] (FRDG) and called on his audience to work with the organisation.’
The Georgian newspaper also revealed that a protocol had been signed at the meeting obligating the management of the ‘Brooke Group Limited’ to participate in the following projects:
1. Creation of an overall strategic concept for Georgia's economic redevelopment.
2. Reconstruction of the port of Batumi.
3. Expansion of the Batumi airport.
4. The construction of new petroleum storage facilities at Batumi.
5. The reconstruction of the port of Poti.
6. Rebuilding of chemical enterprises.
7. The development of Georgian resorts.
8. Establishment of enterprise zones.To any uninformed reader, with perhaps little knowledge either of Georgia’s current economic and political realities or of Mr. Shevardnadze's involvement with them, this intelligence may seem benign - evidence, surely, of the ‘fatherly’ concern the ‘democrat’ Shevardnadze has shown for the restoration of his ‘lesser motherland’ and of the willingness of American capital to support such a worthy cause.
But the reader should remain alert:
1. At the time when the protocol was signed Shevardnadze was not only not an official representative, with powers to negotiate on behalf of the country, but was not even a citizen of the independent Georgia.
2. The economic objectives of the protocol encompass the geopolitical backbone of Georgia’s entire economy and are strategic monopolies - not only in the local context of Georgia and of the Caucasian region, but also of the whole of the southern USSR as well as of northern Iran and Turkey. This is to say nothing of the fact that they are the national property of the Georgian Republic, and cannot be employed or alienated, exclusively or otherwise, for private ends by any Fund - even one established by the ‘fatherly’ Eduard Shevardnadze, in conjunction with foreign businesses which have the tell-tale characteristics of Communist Party ‘friendly firms’ about them.
3. Geographically, a significant proportion of the national resources listed in the protocol belongs to Georgia’s autonomous regions like Abkhazia or Adjaria; and to make use of them or to alienate them without consultation with the local authorities, people and governments, is to invite serious political consequences - such as were indeed rapidly to follow.
4. A majority of projects listed in the protocol signed with the Brooke Group Limited involves the oil-gas, oil-gas processing and oil-gas-transportation industries and facilities - whereas the products themselves originate and undergo primary refining beyond the borders of the Georgian Republic. In short, the projects concerned have regional and geopolitical and geoeconomic significance.
Accordingly, the central question arises: why did Shevardnadze, with no apparent involvement in Georgian affairs, who was ostensibly residing peacefully in Moscow as a private individual and a Russian citizen, suddenly travel to the Urged States, to distribute among certain American businessmen and possibly through them, officials, the wealth and natural resources of Georgia?
How does all this connect with the events in Georgia in September, October and late December 1991? With the punitive war against western Georgia in Megrelia and Abkhazia? With the invasion of oil-rich regions of the former USSR by ‘foreign’ companies? With the attempted appropriation of strategic routes and the export to the West of oil-gas products via the Caucasus [Poti and Batumi in Georgia, Azerbaijan-Armenia, Chechenia and Ingushetia and Ossetia in the north]?Or with the peculiar silence of Western and Russian ‘democratic’ politicians and media concerning the monstrous violations of human rights which have been taking place without respite in Georgia or Ingushetia, or about Yeltsin’s hysterical assault on the unilaterally declared political independence of the Chechen Republic?
BAKER'S FIRST TBILISI VISIT
Some answers to these questions emerge from events which antedate by some two weeks the signing of the Miami protocol.
On 18th February 1992, only 33 days after the military punch in Tbilisi, the US Secretly of State, James Baker met the Junta’s acting Prime Minister, Mr. Sigua, in Moscow. Mr. Baker had visited Mr. Shevardnadze at his Moscow apartment on the preceding day. According to a front-page report in Sakartvelos Respublika dated 20th February 1992, the Baker-Sigua meeting had been ‘arranged’ by the American Ambassador to Moscow, Mr. Robert Strauss - a businessman with a known interest in the petroleum industry - and a young Georgian diplomat, a certain Mr. D. Chikvaidze.
The meeting between Baker and Sigua became the subject of much speculation in Georgia, since in the course of a Russian Television address
Mr. Baker had stated that the United States would not restore diplomatic relations with Georgia unless President Zviad Gamsakhurdia was rehabilitated. At the end of the meeting Baker stressed that the meeting ‘is not to be construed as recognition of the present Government of Georgia’ - that is, of the illegal junta. But the details of the meeting itself were shrouded in secrecy.
As for the Baker-Shevardnadze meeting held ‘at Baker’s request, Shevardnadze analysed the situation in Georgia and put to his guest several questions to which Washington must pay special attention’ [Sakartvelos Respublika, ibid]. No Western media source, at that time or in the preceding weeks, had so much as speculated that Mr. Shevardnadze would return to Georgia [just as no Western intelligence agency or publication had foreseen the ‘changes’ orchestrated in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union by the ‘inner KGB’ before they occurred, with the exception of Anatoliy Golitsyn - Ed.].
Ten days later, Mr. Shevardnadze surfaced in Miami, Florida. It would appear that Washington did, after all, pay special attention to the questions put to Mr. Baker. A further week passed, and on 7th March 1992 Shevardnadze with tears of emotion in his eyes, was embraced by the leaders of the Georgian nomenklatura at Tbilisi airport.
MIAMI PROTOCOL IMPLEMENTED
On the same day A. Chikvaidze, father of the aforementioned D. Chikvaidze, was appointed the junta's acting Minister of Foreign Affairs. It may be mentioned that this distinguished secret policeman, noted for his momentarily misguided support of the August Coup in Moscow, had previously served Shevardnadze as Consul General of the USSR in San Francisco and later as Soviet Ambassador to The Netherlands. Now the junta’s new man rushed to put the Miami protocol into practice, paving the way for Communist Party dollars to be re-routed to Georgia.
The charter of doe new Fund was not published in Georgia until 11th March 1992, well after the signing of the Miami protocol [Sakartvelos Respublika, dated 11th March 1992]. This text shows that among the founders of the Fund for Democracy and Reconstruction in Georgia are Eduard Shevardnadze himself (‘personal savings’ and lecture fees’ are mentioned), a Foreign Policy Association which he runs, a Union for Economic Reconstruction which he controls, and several ‘foreign’ and Georgian businesses. Thus, Shevardnadze is at every level the founder, manager and actual proprietor of the Fund.
The launch the Shevardnadze Fund took place in Tbilisi as early as 13th March 1992 - at the luxurious Metekhi Palace Hotel [Sakartvelos Respublika, 14th March 1992] owned through the Austrian firm ‘ABC’ by the nomenclaturists Khabeishvili, Mgeladze and Shevardnadze. At the launch, Shevardnadze declared that ‘the Fund must become one of the main links in the struggle for the salvation of Georgia’, leaving no doubt which interests had the upper hand.
Additional information concerning this Fund appeared in an article published in Izvestia No. 92, reprinted in Sakartvelos Respublika dated 24th April 1992]. The article explained that ‘details concerning the FRDG's capitalization have not yet been disclosed, but sources close to the Fund maintain that it can easily perform the fiction of a parallel budget for the nation’.
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This post has been edited by ბპგ on 6 Jul 2009, 05:27 
#1-- გარეწრები იყავით, ხართ და იქნებით, საკუთარ თავზე ნურავინ მიიღებს
